GIFT   OF 


71 


A^S 


A  SERIES 

OF 

THREE  EDITORIALS 

REPRINTED  FROM 

The  DAILY  NEWS 

SAN  FRANCISCO,  CALIFORNIA 


Bolshevik  agents  are  busy  in  every  industrial  center. 
Their  work  has  been  denounced  by  nearly  every 
American  journal,  but  denunciation  is  not  enough. 
The  Daily  News  is  the  only  newspaper  of  this  coun- 
try that  has  undertaken,  in  language  that  any  man 
can  understand,  to  make  clear  the  terrific  blunders 
that  are  the  very  root  of  Bolshevik  doctrine.  These 
editorials,  written  by  Mr.  Eugene  MacLean,  editor 
of  The  Daily  News,  constitute  a  major  document  in 
the  case  of  Americanism  vs.  Bolshevism.  They  are 
commended  to  your  attention. 


•*i3 


0—^7,  qq 


BOTH  the  Bolsheviki  and  the  Social- 
ists preach  the  "Revolution." 
By  this  they  mean  upsetting  the 
existing  order  of  things  entire,  and 
building  up  a  new  structure  of  govern- 
ment and  society. 

No  such  plan  could  add  to  the  happi- 
ness or  welfare  of  mankind. 

It  would  have  an  exactly  contrary 
effect. 

The  jar  of  such  an  upheaval  itself 
means  misery,  lasting  until  order  again 
is  restored  in  the  course  of  years. 

With  order  restored,  under  any  sys- 
tem of  government  either  tried  or  pro- 
posed, the  same  old  problems  remain. 

*  *    ♦ 

These  problems  are  two: 

Maintaining  the  freedom  of  the  in- 
dividual, without  interference  with  his 
neighbor's  rights; 

Maintaining  a  supply  of  food  and 
clothes  and  shelter  for  all,  and  the  means 
to  get  them. 

The  first  requires  the  exercise  of  a 
police  power,  and  the  severity  or  lax- 
ness  of  this  police  power  does  not  de- 
pend on  the  NAME  or  FORM  of  govern- 
ment, whether  monarchist  or  republican 
or  bolshevik,  but  upon  the  kind  of  men 
who  control  the  police. 

The  second  requires  the  continuance 
r<and  growth  of  industry.  No  matter 
what  the  form  of  government,  industry 
must  continue  and  expand  if  aU  men 
are  to  be  employed,  and  if  the  human 
race  is  to   progress. 

*  *     * 

One  of  the  arguments  extended  to  the 
worker  to  induce  him  to  join  the  "revo- 
lution" is  that  under  the  "revolution" 
he  would  not  be  interfere4  with  by  an 
arbitrary   police. 

But  in  Russia,  according  to  the  official 
announcement  of  the  bolshevik  leaders, 
police  oppression  is  b^ing  exercised  in 
an  extraordinary  degree. 

It   is   being   exerc/sed  not  only  upon 


W 

the    middle    classes,    but   upon   factions 
within    the    socialist    ranks — upon    men  *  ~ 
who  believe  substantially  as  Lenine  and  \1  / 
Trotsky    do,    but    who    are    opposed    to . 
them  personally.     Some  of  these  revolu-/^f\ 
tionists    have     succeeded     in    escaping 
from   Russia,  like   Catherine   Breshkovs- 
kaya,   the   "grandmother   of   the   revolu- 
tion."   They're  escaping,  mind  you,  from 
'the    revolution    which    they   helped   to 
bring  about! 

*  *    * 

There  will  always  be  leaders  among 
men.  As  a  rule,  the  more  radical  the 
changes  proposed  by  any  movement, 
the  greater  is  the  dependence  placed 
upon  leadership. 

This  is  true  in  religious  movements, 
political  movements,  economic  move- 
ments. 

Almost  always  this  leadership  becomes 
a  form  of  autocracy.  The  title  of  "em- 
peror" itself  is  simply  the  English  trans- 
lation of  the  Latin  name  which  was 
given  the  people's  leaders  in  ancient 
Rome,  when  their  problem  was  the  re- 
pelling of  invaders  and  keeping  their 
boundaries  clear.  These  leaders,  or  em- 
perors, took  the  authority  of  absolute 
sovereigns  over  foreign  kings  and  their 
own  people,  by  exercise  of  the  power 
first  placed  in  their  hands  by  the  Roman 
people  in  their  hour  of  need. 

America  has  escaped  this  form  of  au- 
tocracy. 

America  could  not  escape  it  if  any 
considerable  mass  of  men  should  join 
in  such  a  "revolution"  as  we  are  dis- 
cussing here. 

The  very  necessity  for  leadership  and 
instant  action  on  the  part  of  the  "revo- 
lutionists" would  make  it  inevitable. 

Autocracy  in  any  form  means  the  full- 
est exercise  of  the  police  power,  with 
every  man  subject  to  its  severest  regu- 
lations. 

*  ♦    ♦ 

An  individual,  willing  to  run  the  risk 


0  70.Q 


of  future  autocracy  to  k,put  across"  his 
own  economic  views,  might  figure  that 
he  himself  vrould  escape  by  ir.iniug  tne 
side  that's  in  power. 

His  figuring  would  be  faulty. 

In  France,  after  the  revolutionists  had 
used  up  the  available  noblemen  on  the 
guillotine,  they  began  executing  each 
other.  The  struggle  for  power  was  the 
cause  of  that. 

In  Germany,  when  the  socialist  revolu- 
tion succeeded,  they  shot  Karl  Lieb- 
knecht  and  Rosa  Luxemburg,  socialist 
leaders. 

Human  nature  doesn't  change.  It's 
only    environment    that    changes. 

In  Russia,  the  extreme  socialists  on 
top  make  it  hot  for  the  moderates,  and 
use  their  guns  freely  in  doing  it. 

In  Germany,  the  moderate  socialists 
on  top  make  it  hot  for  the  radicals,  and 
they  are  equally  ready  with  their  weap- 
ons. 

*  *     * 

The  American  who  would  risk  that 
sort  of  thing  in  his  own  country  is  a 
fool. 

The  police  power  is  exercised  more 
moderately  and  with  greater  consider- 
ation for  the  average  man  in  America 
today  than  it  is  in  Russia,  or  Germany, 
or  than  it  could  be  in  America  for  many 
a  year  under  any  possible  "revolution." 

In  after-the-war  dealings  with  various 
orators,  silly  blunders  have  been  made 
by  silly  little  officials,  but  petty  deeds 
by  petty  bureau  chiefs  are  not  con- 
fined to  any  one  nation  nor  to  any  form 
of   government. 

It  is  worth  noting,  however,  that  there 
are  no  firing  squads  in  America.  There 
is  no  appeal  from  a  firing  squad. 

*  *     * 

What  is  troubling  the  average  worker, 
however,  is  not  any  question  of  free 
speech,  but  is  a  question  of  a  livelihood, 
and  better  opportunity  for  himself  and 
his  children. 

The  "revolutionists"  abroad,  and  lately 
in  Seattle  in  our  own  country,  told  the 
workers  that  under  the  "revolution"  all 
men  would  find  employment,  each  re- 
ceiving  the    full    value    of    hi3    product 


without  any  profit  from  his  labor  being 
taken  by  another. 

"The  products  and  industries  of  the 
world  are  ours  by  right,"  said  one  of 
the  Seattle  proclamations. 

These  were  not  put  out  by  trades 
unionists,  but  by  "revolutionary"  groups 
that  tried  to  take  advantage  of  the  gen- 
eral strike.  They  were  not  represented 
on  the  strike  committee,  but,  according 
to  the  union  men,  they  "butted  into" 
the  situation  with  their  propaganda. 

It  was  proposed  by  these  "revolution- 
ary" outsiders  that  workers  in  each 
industry  should  take  over  and  operate 
the  industry,  "abolishing  the  profit  sys- 
tem." 

It  so  happens  that  there  are  some  in- 
dustries that  pay  big  returns,  some  that 
pay  small  returns,  and  some  that  pay 
no  profits  at  all. 

Those  that  are  unprofitable  are  main- 
tained by  their  owners  in  the  hope  that 
they  will  be  profitable  some  day,  and 
the  losses  are  paid  out  of  the  profits  of 
other  industries. 

With  profits  abolished,  the  losses  in 
these  unprofitable  businesses  would  have 
to  be  borne  by  the  workers  themselves. 
The  immediate  result  would  be  the  es- 
tablishment of  greatly  unequal  returns 
to  workers  in  the  same  crafts,  but  in 
different  establishments.  Some  would 
be  receiving  greatly  less  than  they  are 
now,  and  some,  from  inability  to  sus- 
tain the  industry,  would  find  themselves, 
for  the  time  being  at  least,  without  work. 

The  first  thought  of  the  men  receiving 
lesser  pay,  under  the  new  scheme,  would 
be  to  get  their  pay  equalized. 

This  would  mean  that  the  fellow  in 
the  big  profitable  plant  would  have  to 
give  up  a  portion  of  his  income  to  help 
out  the  fellow  who  hadn't  enough. 

Furthermore,  he  would  have  to  care 
in  some  fashion  for  the  man  who  had 
no  job  at  all. 

*     *    * 

That's  the  same  problem  that  we  have 
now — poverty  and  unemployment. 

It  would  be  increased  by  two  great 
factors. 

One  of  these  would  be  the  men  in  the 
so-called  luxury  manufactures,  the  mar- 


ket  for  whose  products  would  be  wiped 
out. 

The  other  is  the  men  and  women 
who  have  invested  their  life's  savings, 
and  have  retired  to  live  on  the  old-age 
pension  that  they  have  made  for  them- 
selves— on  the  "profit  system,"  in  other 
words,  that  the  "revolution"  would  wipe 
out.  Los  Angeles  is  full  of  old  folks 
like  that,  living  on  the  interest  of  the 
farms  or  the  little  businesses  they  ha?e 
sold.  There  can  be  no  interest  without 
"profit." 

What  to  do  with  them,  and  with  the 
worker  who  is  thrown  out  of  employ- 
ment, and  the  man  who  had  no  employ- 
ment to  begin  with? 

It  would  be  necessary  either  to  make 
work  for  them,  or  to  pension  them — 
unless  it  was  decided  to  let  them  starve. 

Either  of  the  first  two  plans  would 
make  necessary  the  levying  of  taxes  on 
the  employed  to  take  care  of  the  public 
work  to  be  provided,  or  the  pensions  to 
be  paid. 

»     *     * 

We  have  the  machinery  to  do  that  now. 

We  don't  have  to  go  through  a  "revo- 
lution" to  provide  public  works  for  the 
unemployed. 

And  we  haven't,  thank  God,  knocked 
out  the  life  savings  of  old  people  by 
abolition  of  civilization  as  we  know  it! 
*    *    * 

There's  another  thing  about  the  Se- 
attle-Russian doctrine  that  "the  products 
and  industries  of  the  world  are  ours 
by  right." 

Take  shipbuilding.  It  was  in  the  ship- 
building crafts  that  a  lot  of  the  preaching 
was  done  up  there. 

Under  that  plan,  the  ships  would  be- 
long to  the  shipbuilders. 

But  there  are  other  crafts  with  an  in« 
terest  in  the  proposition. 

There's  the  rolling-mill  man,  who 
makes  the  steel  plates. 

"The  plates  are  mine!"  he  could  say, 
with  justice,  under  such  a  plan. 

The  engine-builders,  the  miners  who 
mined  the  ore,  the  smeltermen  who  made 
it  into  pig-iron,  the  sailor  who  sailed  the 
fchips,   all    could    with    equal    authority 


make   claim  to  the  product  or   the   in- 
strument of  their  toil. 

Naturally  there  would  have  to  be  some 
adjustment    between    these    interests. 

*  *    • 

There  is  an  adjustment  between  them 
right  now. 

We  don't  have  to  go  through  a  "revo- 
lution" to  get  it. 

The  shipper  pays  the  ship-operator, 
the  ship-operator  pays  the  ship-yard 
man,  the  ship-yard  man  pays  the  plate* 
maker  and  the  engine-builder,  the  ttto 
of  them  pay  the  smelterman,  and  the 
smelter  pays  the  miner. 

The  bolshevik  retorts: 

"Yes,  but  the  worker  gets  only  part 
of  the  money.  The  rest  of  it  goes  into 
profits.  What  we  would  do  is  to  abolish 
profits." 

•  •    • 

But  in  order  to  extend  ship-building, 
plate-making,  engine-building,  smelting, 
and  mining,  as  populations  grew  and  made 
more  ships  and  steel  products  necessary, 
it  would  be  necessary  to  set  aside  a  sur- 
plus to  make  the  extensions. 

In  other  words,  if  a  larger  number  of 
ships  were  to  be  built,  the  new  men 
needed  to  mine  the  ore,  make  the  plates, 
do  the  riveting,  and  so  on,  would  de- 
mand, as  their  right,  that  they  receive 
wages  just  as  they  do  now.  If  all  the 
proceeds  of  the  other  ore,  plates,  en- 
gines and  ships  had  been  divided,  there 
would  be  nothing  with  which  to  pay 
the  workers  while  the  work  was  in  prog- 
ress. If  the  miner  had  to  wait  until 
the  new  ship  was  put  in  service  to  get 
the  income  he  had  earned,  he'd  have  to 
wait  one  whale  of  a  long  while. 

The  only  solution  would  be  for  the 
"revolution"  to  set  aside  part  of  the 
proceeds  of  earlier  ships  to  take  caro 
of  the  cost  of  new  ones. 

And  that  surplus  is  profit. 

No  matter  what  name  they  call  it,  it's 
profit  all  the  same. 

There  is  profit  in  the  industry  now. 

The  profits  go  into  creating  new  in- 
dustry, no  matter  whether  they  are  spent 
on  ships,  on  automobiles,  on  shipyards, 
on  rugs,  on  office  buildings. 
And  if  private  control  of  these  profits 


and  private  promotion  of  new  industry 
with  them  isn't  satisfactory,  public  own- 
ership is  as  possible  today  as  it  would 
be  possible   in  a  "revolution." 

Public  ownership  is  a  recognized  prin- 
ciple now.  It  is  actually  in  operation. 
The  principle  will  be  extended  as  rap- 
Idly  or  as  slowly  as  the  majority  of  the 
people  desire. 

The  point  is  that  the  means  of  getting 
public  ownership  is  as  good  now  as  it 
could  be  under  a  "revolution" — better, 
for  the  machinery  for  getting  it  has  been 
set  up,  and  is  working. 
*    *    * 

Mankind  has  been  painfully  piecing 
together,  since  the  beginning  of  time, 
the  structure  of  its  civilization. 

Little  by  little,  it  has  stopped  a  gap 
here,  erected  a  little  higher  bulwark 
there,  provided  a  sounder  foundation  in 
another  place. 

The  best  brains  of  the  world,  the 
hopes  and  aspirations  of  good  men — 
whole  races  of  men — have  gone  to  build 
what  we  have  now. 

The  structure  cannot  be  torn  down 
without  wreckage  and  deep  suffering 
for  millions. 

And  once  torn  down,  it  would  have  to 
be  erected  again,  with  toil  and  pain  and 
tears. 

The  man  who  pulled  down  his  house 
about  his  ears  because  he  didi't  like 
the  roof  would  justly  be  accounted  a 
lunatic. 

Yet  that's  what  the  bolsheviks  propose 
to   do. 

*    *    * 

The  moving  cause  of  social  unrest  is 
contained  in  two  beings: 

The  man  who  lives  in  surpassing  lux- 
ury; 

The  man  who  has  not  the  means  to 
buy  bread. 

Those  are  two  pictures  that  are  al- 
ways present  in  the  worker's  mind. 

The  man  who  has  control  of  too  much 
wealth  for  the  public  good  can  be  dealt 
with.  Under  the  exigencies  of  war,  the 
public  already  has  begun  to  deal  with 
him. 

The  taxing  power  in  the  hands  of  the 
people  of  America  is   absolute.     What- 


ever the  majority,  through  its  represen- 
tatives, thinks  should  be  done  about  tax- 
ing millions,  will  be  done. 

Consider  for  one  second  the  taxes 
that  now  are  levied  as  the  result  of  war 
— 50,  60,  and  even  80  per  cent  on  some 
fortunes ! 

Taxes  are  levied  by  all  of  us,  as  a 
government,  upon  private  property. 

It  takes  from  the  few  for  the  benefit 
of  the  many. 

The  majority  approves  and  the  taxes 
are  paid. 

If  the  people  desire  to  deal  further 
with  the  question  of  great  fortunes, 
they  can  do  it  now.  "Revolution"  could 
not  make  it  more  possible  than  it  is 
now,  and  "revolution"  would  exact  a 
heavy  price  in  hunger  and  suffering 
from  the  people  to  gain  a  privilege  they 
already  have! 

*  *    # 

The  problem  of  unemployment  is  pres- 
ent.    It  has  always  been  present. 

It  is  one  of  the  gaps  remaining  in  our 
structure  of  civilization  that  must  be 
filled. 

It  is  not  necessary  to  smash  civiliza- 
tion to  fill  this  gap  in  it.  Gaps  cannot 
be  filled  that  way. 

The  same  people  inhabit  the  country 
as  would  inhabit  it  under  a  "revolution." 
They  are  equipped  with  the  sajie  brains. 
They  have  a  vastly  more  capable  ma- 
chinery for  handling  unemployment,  be- 
cause they  haven't  created  artificial  un- 
employment by  wrecking  the  means  of 
trade. 

It  is  admitted  that  public  w  rks,  a* 
public  expense,  is  a  proper  means  to 
relieve   unemployment. 

It  is  up  to  the  people  how  far  these 
public  works   shall  go. 

*  *    * 

It  is  a  heartening  thing  that  the  ma- 
jority is  awake  to  the  problem,  and  that 
it  is  being  discussed  in  every  hamlet 
and  town  and  country  crossroads. 

When  the  American  people  get  think- 
ing along  a  given  line,  they  get  results. 

We  earnestly  believe  that  in  another 
decade  involuntary  unemployment  will 
be  a  thing  of  the  past.  The  farmer,  the 
business    man,    the    worker,   all   realize 


that  in  the  fullest  degree  of  employment 
for  every  man  lies  the  prosperity  of  al1. 
One  man  unemployed,  through  his  in- 
ability to  buy,  throws  another  out  of 
work.  Each  man  employed  is  a  buyer 
of  goods,  and  a  maker  of  trade — and 
trade,  boiled  down  to  its  simplest  terms, 
means  work  for  men  to  do. 

The  biggest  stumbling  block  in  the 
way  of  success  for  this  movement  for 
the  unemployed  is  the  bolshevik  himr 
self.  He  frightens  away  the  men  and 
women  who  want  to  help  the  people  who 
need  help.  He's  holding  back  the  wheels 
of  economic  progress. 

It's  the  good  luck  of  our  own  land 
that  the  bolsheviks  are  few.  Being  few, 
their  power  for  frightening  away  sup- 
port for  labor  is  lessened. 

There  are  enough  of  them,  however, 
to  make  it  clear  that  labor  would  be 
nearer  the  righting  of  its  difficulties  if 
there  were  no  bolsheviks  around  at  all. 

*  ♦    * 

The  strong  and  skillful  always  have 
been   able  to   shift   for   themselves. 

Even  with  the  strong  man  curbed  by 
police  power  from  taking  what  he  wants 
by  force,  he  is  offered  what  he  wants  by 
his  neighbors,  who  desire  his  help  in 
preference  to  the  help  of  the  mai  who 
cannot  do  his  task  so  well. 

He  accumulates  money,  or  other 
things  he  values — "profit,"  in  other 
words. 

It  is  the  weak  who  need  help.  It  is 
the  weak  who  would  need  help  under  a 
"revolution."  It  isn't  necessary  to  turn 
things  upside  down  to  get  that  problem 
presented  to  us. 

*  •    ♦ 

Our  problems  are  many,  but  they  are 
the  problems  of  humanity. 

Slowly,  but  surely,  America  is  solving 
them. 

It  will  be  when  the  last  man  is  dead 
that  the  last  wrong  is  banished  from  the 
world,  but  we  are  progressing  toward  the 
goal  of  the  square  deal. 

And  The  Daily  News'  politics  are 
these: 

To  stand  by  America  and  American 
institutions; 

To  uphold  the  right  as  we  understand 


"W 


it,  and  to  assail  the  wrong; 

To  aid  all  men  in  getting  a  fair  chance 
for  a  livelihood  and  decent  surround* 
ings  and  comforts  for  their  dependents; 

To  help  the  skilled  man  in  securing 
for  himself  and  his  children  the  savings 
of  his  thrift  and  enterprise; 

To  oppose  the  taking  of  an  unfair  ad- 
vantage OF  any  man  BY  any  man; 

To  promote,  as  best  we  may,  the  hap- 
piness and  prosperity  of  our  country- 
men, to  the  end  that  Americans  may 
progress  together  in  the  arts  and  crafts 
of  peace. 

Second  Editorial 
HY  should  I  work  f->r  ;he 
benefit  of  a  fellow  who  is  a 
stranger  to  me?  Abolish 
capitalism,  and  I'll  be  working  for  my- 
self. I'll  get  the  full  value  of  my  prod- 
uct, instead  of  turning  it  over  to  a  man 
I  don't  even  know,  getting  back  only 
a  pittance  for  my  labor." 

That's  the  standard  argument  of  the 
radical  socialists — the  men  whom  we 
usually  call  bolsheviks  or  I.  W.  W. 
We've  heard  it  40  times,  in  one  way  or 
another,  and  most  workingmen  have 
heard  it.  The  propagandists  see  that  the 
workingmen  DO  hear  it. 

♦  *    * 

"Why  should  I  work  for  the  benefit  of 
a  fellow  who  is  a  stranger  to  me?"- 

Because  that's  the  only  way  you  can 
make  your  labor  of  benefit  to  yourself, 
brother. 

There  are  two  means  of  escaping  work 
for  the  benefit  of  the  other  fellow.  No. 
1  is  not  to  work  at  all.  No.  2  is  to  go 
off  in  the  woods  by  yourself,  dig  your 
own  roots  to  eat,  knock  over  your  own 
bear  with  a  club,  for  clothes,  and  pull 
down    your    own    branches    for    shelter. 

But  the  man  who  lives  and  works 
among  other  men  must  work  for  their 
benefit,  because  that  is  the  kind  of  part- 
nership humanity  has  set  up  to  .escape 
the  cold  and  hunger,  that  brought-  mis- 
ery in  the  days  of  barbarism.  •    •• 

*  *    *  .'..*> 

Go  back  to  the  beginning;  back  to  the 
days  before  men  went  into  partnership. 

A  man  lies  on  his  back  beneath  a  tree, 
naked. 


Other  men,  like  him,  are  basking  in 
the  autumn  sunshine. 

Nobody  is  working.  Nobody  has 
worked.  There  is  no  food  stored  up  for 
the  chili  days  when  vegetation  is  with- 
ered and  the  trees  bear  no  fruit.  There 
are  no  clothes.  There  is  no  shack  nor 
novel  There  can  be  no  stored  pro- 
visions nor  clothes  nor  hut  without  work. 

*  *    • 

Winter  comes  on.  The  people  huddle 
in  caves  to  escape  the  bitter  wind.  Some 
die  of  cold.  They  scratch  in  the  earth 
for  roots  that  they  can  eat.  Sometimes 
they  are  able  to  catch  a  small  animal 
When  such  food  is  not  available,  they 
starve. 

Occasionally  a  man,  with  a  rock  or 
club,  has  managed  to  kill  a  bear.  The 
others  rush  for  the  meat,  and  he  de- 
fends It.  They  kill  him,  and  then  bat- 
tle among  themselves  over  the  question 
who  shall  get  the  carcass  of  the  bear. 
In  the  end  the  strongest  gets  it,  and 
drags  tt  to  his  own  cave,  where  he  and 
his  female  and  his  children  devour  the 
flesh. 

*  *    * 

Men  lived  so,  once  upon  a  time. 

*  •    * 

X-ater,  they  decided  that  this  sort  of 
thing  didn't  pay. 

They  worked  out  a  different  arrange- 
ment. Before  cold  weather  came,  the 
matt  kilted  a  bear  or  two,  and  the  woman 
skinned  them,  and  laid  out  the  pelts  to 
dry;  fdY  clothes.  Together  they  put  away 
some  nuts  and  dried  vegetables  and 
meat,  to  keep  themselves  and  the  young- 
sters alive  through  the  winter.  To  make 
Utt  for  the  shortage  of  caves,  they  built 
a  hut  W  live  in,  out  of  the  branches  of 
trees,  and  bits  of  turf. 

They  learned  that  there  was  such  a 
thing  as  comfort,  even  in  the  winter. 

la  the  course  of  ages  they  learned 
that  they  could  make  food  grow  for  them 
by  planting  seeds  and  bulbs. 

That  meant  more  work.  When  they 
first  began  working,  two  or  three  weeks 
in  the  year  served  the  purpose.  They 
got  Only  two  or  three  weeks'  worth  of 
return  from  it,  but  not  so  many  froze 
to  death  or  starved. 


lese 


But  more  desires  developed,  and  these 
meant  greater  and  longer  effort. 

They  discovered  that  stone  hatchets 
were  better  than  branches  torn  from  a 
tree  in  doing  battle  with  bears  and 
wolves. 

One  old  man  proved  more  skillful  in 
making  hatchets  than  the  others.  He 
was  too  weak  to  go  out  to  do  any  kill- 
ing himself,  but  in  exchange  for  his 
hatchets,  the  younger  men  gave  him  a 
share  of  the  meat  they  brought  in. 

It  was  the  first  wage  in  history. 

*  •     * 

If  the  old  man  had  worked  only  for 
himself  and  not  for  the  benefit  of  the 
other  fellow,  he'd  have  only  his  hatchets. 
He  couldn't  eat  them,  and  he  couldn't 
wear  them.    He  couldn't  even  use  them. 

He  could  use  the  meat,  though. 

He  was  working  for  others,  and  they 
were  working  for  him. 

•  •    • 

There  was  one  difficulty. 

Meat  came  to  him  in  plenty  when  the 
men  were  hunting.  When  they  weren't 
hunting,  or  when  the  kill  was  poor,  he 
had  to  eat  just  the  same. 

However,  the  news  of  his  skill  was 
spreading.  Men  came  a  long  way  to  get 
his  hatchets'.  Some  brought  dried 
foods — roots  and  meat  dried  in  the  sun. 
They  were  more  than  he  could  eat  at 
the  moment,  but  they  would  keep.  He 
put  them  away  at  the  back  of  his  hut 
for  future  use. 

It  was  the  first  profit  in  history. 

In  course  of  time,  other  skilled  men 
developed.  Bows  and  arrows  Were  in- 
vented. There  were  arrowmakers  and 
men  who  knew  how  to  treat  the  sinews 
of  animals  to  make  bowstrings. 

Some  had  discovered  how  to  make 
rough  shoes  out  of  hides,  to  protect  the 
feet  from  thorns  and  flinty  rocks. 

Each  put  in  his  time  at  the  task  he 
could  do  best,  and  traded  products  with 
the  makers  of  other  implements,  and 
hunters,  and  growers  of  grain. 

Men  were  learning  to  work  together. 
They  were  learning,  too,  to  lay  aside 
a  surplus  out  of  what  they  received — 
food  for  the  winters,  and  skins  and  ar- 
rowheads for  the  days  when  they  could 


no  longer  produce,  and  would  have  noth- 
ing to  give  in  trade. 
These  surpluses  grew. 

*  •     * 

One  day,  in  the  distant  ages  of  the 
past,  came  word  to  one  of  the  tribe  that 
another  clan,  across  the  mountains  and 
the  great  river,  had  produced  a  great 
quantity  of  wheat — more  than  it  could 
use. 

Wheat  could  not  be  grown  on  the  lands 
of  this  tribe,  but  it  had  been  tasted  and 
relished. 

The  journey  across  the  mountains  was 
long  and  perilous.  One  youth  offered 
himself  to  make  it. 

"I  have  here  a  great  heap  of  bearskins/' 
said  he.  "I  will  take  some  of  them  with 
me.  I  should  take  other  things.  Give 
me  some  of  these  fine  arrow-heads,  and 
these  strong  bowstrings,  and  I  will  give 
you  the  rest  of  my  skins  for  them.  Then 
I  will  take  what  I  have  gathered,  and 
go  across  the  mountains  to  secure 
wheat." 

He  collected  his  wares,  made  the  trip, 
and  brought  back,  on  his  own  shoulders 
and  on  those  of  bearers  from  the  other 
tribe,  the  wheat  his  people  wanted. 

It  was  the  first  commerce  in  history. 
i    •    * 

The  young  man  traded  back  to  his 
tribesmen  the  wheat  he  had  brought,  re- 
ceiving things  he  needed  in  exchange, 
and  other  things  that  he  could  trade  to 
the  villagers  across  the  mountains  for 
another  consignment  of  grain. 

He  was  the  first  merchant  in  history. 

fie  dealt  in  things  he  did  not  raise 
nor  produce,  yet  without  him,  each  of 
two    tribes    would    have    been    without 

products  that  it  wanted. 

♦  *    * 

Slowly,  though  very  surely,  the  idea 
spread  through  mankind. 

Rude  manufactures   grew. 

The  discovery  was  made  that  iron 
could  be  found  in  the  earth,  and  made 
into  implements. 

Certain  men  had  learned  how  to  lo- 
cate iron  ore  and  dig  it  from  the  ground. 
They  were  the  miners. 

Others  had  developed  skill  in  heating 
it  and  turning  it  into  a  metal  that  could 


be  used.     They  were  the  smelters. 

Still  others  knew  how  to  beat  the  iron 
into  spearheads  and  hatchets  and  swords 
and  instruments  with  which  to  scratch 
the  ground  in  order  that  seeds  could  be 
^planted.     They    were    the   smiths — the 

first  mechanics  of  history. 

•  •    ♦ 

Elsewhere,  there  were  regions  where 
men  bred  sheep,  and  had  learned  how  to 
weave  cloth  from  the  wool. 

There  were  communities  where  leather 
goods  were  made,  such  as  shoes,  and 
heavy  jerkins  to  use  in  hunting. 

There  were  places  where  ornaments 
were  made,  and  where  men  had  learned 
to  find  and  polish  precious  stones. 

Merchants  went  from  tribe  to  tribe, 
and  village  to  village,  carrying  the  prod- 
ucts of  one  to  another,  trading  there  for 
materials  needed  back  home. 

Each  man  had  his  own  particular 
work. 

Each  was  working  for  the  benefit  of 
strangers,  but  if  he  had  not  done  so, 
his  own  work  would  not  have  been  of 
benefit  to  him.  The  weaver  could  not 
consume  all  his  own  cloth.  The  spear- 
maker  could  not  use  his  spears  and 
make  them,  too.  Neither  of  them  could 
spare  the  time  and  effort  to  make  the 
exchange  himself.  But,  by  the  weaver, 
spearmaker,  merchant,  and  all  the  rest 
laboring  for  each  other,  mankind  was 
lifting  itself  from  the  level  of  the  sav- 
age, lying  naked  upon  the  ground. 

*  •    • 

In  course  of  time  it  was  found  too 
cumbersome  to  carry  iron  hatchets  and 
bales  of  cloth  and  shoes  from  village 
to  village. 

Tokens  were  invented,  which  were 
used  in  trade. 

A  merchant,  buying  a  bale  of  goods 
to  carry  back  to  his  people,  gave  a  token 
to  the  man  from  whom  he  bought.  The 
token  usually  was  made  of  metal,  which 
could  be  traded  for  other  wares  up  to 
a  certain  amount. 

These  tokens  were  called  MONEY. 

Men  could  carry  money  in  their  pock- 
ets, easily,  where  they  could  not  pos- 
sibly carry  all  the  wares  it  represented. 

The  invention  of  money  did  not  change 


10 


the  principles  on  which  men  were  con- 
ducting trade.  It  simply  made  trade 
easier  to   carry  on. 

In  storing  this  surplus  for  old  age,  it 
was  no  longer  necessary  for  the  man 
to  fill  his  house  to  overflowing  with 
cloth  and  leather  and  dried  grains.  He 
simply  laid  by  a  store  of  these  tokens, 
with  which  he  could  buy  what  he  wanted 
in  time  of  need. 

•  *    * 

Other  things  had  come  into  being, 
with  the  upward  growth  of  the  human 
race. 

There  were  men  whose  duty  it  was  to 
heal  the  sick.  There  were  ministers  of 
religion,  and  men  who  decided  disputes 
between  the  people,  and  men  who  wrote 
records  on  brick  or  parchment,  and  men 
who  taught  the  young. 

Their  services  were  paid  for  out  of 
the  surplus  of  the  others.  They  worked 
at  their  crafts,  just  as  the  ironmaker 
worked  at  his,  and  similarly,  out  of  the 
surplus  that  they  were  able  to  lay  aside 
they  bought  the  wares  of  the  cloth- 
worker,  and  the  ironworker,  and  the 
worker  in  ornaments. 

*  *    * 

Once  upon  a  time,  a  weaver  of  cloth 
found  that  there  was  more  demand  for 
his  product  than  he  could  fill  by  him- 
self. 

There  was  a  youth  in  the  neighbor- 
hood. The  youth  was  not  skilled  in  any- 
thing, as  he  had  just  sprung  into  man- 
hood. Skilled  work  was  demanded  now 
by  men. 

"Come  with  me  and  learn  to  weave," 
said  the  weaver.  "I  will  teach  you  the 
craft,  and  will  give  you  money  to  feed 
and  clothe  yourself.  As  you  become  more 
skillful  I  will  pay  you  more.  If  there 
is  a  surplus  from  your  work,  as  there 
is  from  mine,  I  will  buy  more  wool,  and 
more  spindles,  and  another  loom,  and 
find  another  young  man  to  work  with 
us/' 

It  was  the  first  factory  under  the  wage 
system. 

The  experiment  succeeded.  There 
was  profit  from  the  labor  of  both  men. 
The  profit  went  into  the  buying  of  more 
raw  material,  and  more  tools  of  the  craft, 


and  other  men  were  added  to  the  force. 

♦  •    * 

Some  of  the  young  men  proved  skill- 
ful and  thrifty.  In  course  of  time  they 
had  laid  up  sufficient  surplus  of  their 
own  to  become  master-weavers  on  their 
own  account. 

As  men  learned  the  warmth  and  com- 
fort of  cloth,  the  demand  grew,  and 
weavers  set  up  their  looms  in  increasing 
numbers. 

The  same  process  was  repeated  in 
other  occupations. 

Mankind  by  now  had  advanced  so  far 
ibeyond  the  naked  savage  underneath 
the  tree  that  he  regarded  as  necesaary 
many  objects  that  the  savage  could  not 
dream  would  ever  exist. 

In  the  quest  for  physical  comfort  and 
mental  advancement,  and  happiness, 
men  were  demanding  more  and  more 
products  and  service. 

Each  of  these  activities  required  the 
time  of  men.  Each  new  product  de- 
manded special  skill. 

Means  for  establishing  new  industries, 
for  advancing  new  arts,  for  promoting 
new  discoveries  in  science,  were  pro- 
vided by  the  surplus  which  was  stored 
up  from  the  labor  of  mankind. 

This  surplus  was  profit,  and  without 
profit  men  found  that  they  could  not  ex- 
tend the  arts  and  crafts  which  constituted 
civilization. 

*  *    • 

The  growth  of  mankind  is  measured 
by  the  growth  of  mankind's  require- 
ments. 

It  came  to  pass  that  great  engines 
•were  required  to  do  the  work  that  a 
sail  used  to  do,  in  moving  ships  across 
the  water. 

To  make  these  engines,  huge  factories 
were  needed,  and  these  in  turn  called 
for  intricate  machines. 

By  the  effort  of  scientists — which 
<really  means  all  men  who  use  their 
brains  in  seeking  human  progress — it 
became  possible  to  do  in  these  great 
plants  things  that  could  not  be  done  at 
all  by  individual  men  working  alone. 

It  was  possible,  once,  for  the  master- 
weaver,  or  spearmaker,  out  of  the  sur- 
plus of  his  own  labor  and  that  of  the 


11 


men  who  worked  with  him,  to  add  the 
simple  machinery  that  he  needed  for 
extension,  or  to  establish  an  entirely 
new   industry. 

But  as  the  demands  of  the  human  race 
grew  greater,  with  increasing  knowl- 
edge, it  took  the  surplus  of  a  number 
of  master-weavers  or  ironmasters,  put 
together,  to  establish  a  plant  for  weav- 
ing a  new  material,  or  building  a  new 
engine,  or  to  extend  old  plants. 

Each  put  his  surplus  with  the  surplus 
^of  the  others,  and  they  called  them- 
selves a  corporation. 

Instead  of  the  one  young  fellow  in  the 
plant  of  the  original  weaver,  great  num- 
bers were  working  by  this  time. 

They  were  paid  money  for  their  work, 
just  as  the  first  master-weaver  paid  his 
first  hired  assistant. 

Out  of  the  profits  of  these  combined 
efforts,  still  other  new  industries  were 
founded,  and  old  ones  extended  to  meet 
the  needs  of  the  growing  population  of 
the  world. 

*    *    » 

This  is  the  system  which  the  radical 
socialist  desires  to  overthrow. 

Call  it  by  any  name,  it  is  still  the 
means  by  which  men  ascend  from  the 
savage  who  lay  naked  "underneath  a 
tree. 

It  is  based  on  the  principle  that  each 
man,  in  doing  his  task  he  has  picked 
out  for  himself,  is  working  for  his  fel- 
lowmen,  whether  they  be  acquaintances 
or  strangers.  Further,  it  means  that 
his  fellowmen  are  working  for  him. 

The  material  for  growth  is  provided 
by  the  discovery  of  the  old  hatchet- 
maker  in  the  distant  past — that  a  surplus 
is  necessary  from  the  labor  of  men  If 
men  are  to  receive  the  full  benefit  of 
their  labor. 

This  surplus  has  extended  industry, 
in  order  to  give  occupation  to  the  grow- 
ing multitudes  on  earth  and  to  provide 
comforts  that  they  call  for;  it  has  built 
schools  and  cathedrals  and  supported 
the  teachers  who  train  men  to  think;  it 
has  made  possible  the  social  machinery 
that  protects  men  in  their  persons  and 
possessions;  it  has  carried  water  into 
the  desert  places  of  the  earth;   it  has 


constructed  highways  and  other  means 
of  travel;  it  has,  bit  by  bit,  built  the 
structure  of  civilization. 

Overthrow  the  system,  and  it  must 
be  built  again. 

Man  will  not  be  contented  to  labor 
only  for  himself,  receiving  nothing  from 
his  neighbor,  getting  nothing  but  what 
he  fashions  by  his  own  effort. 

"These  other  fellows  are  riding  on  my 
back!"  complains  the  bolshevist. 

And  he  is  riding  on  the  backs  of  the 
other    fellows. 

Each  would  suffer  without  the  help  of 
the  others.  If  a  man  is  to  dwell  among 
his  fellowmen  at  all  he  must  help  to 
carry  them,  in  order  that  they  may  help 
to  carry  him. 

Man     MUST  work  for  the  benefit  of 
the  other  fellow,  if  he  is  not  to  slip  back 
to  nakedness,  in  the  wilderness. 
*    *    * 

There  are  balances  in  the  system  that 
need  adjusting. 

Each  man  should  receive  enough  for 
This  labor  to  lay  aside  a  surplus  of  his 
own,  if  he  is  the  type  of  man  who  will 
lay  aside  a  surplus  at  all. 

There  should  be  minimum  wage  laws, 
based  on  the  cost  of  living. 

There  have  been  wastes  of  the  so- 
cial surplus — humanity's  profit  from  its 
work — such  as  in  the  destruction  of  war. 
The  proposed  League  of  Nations  is 
aimed  to  stop  that  particular  waste. 

There  is  need  of  applying  part  of  the 
profit  to  reclaiming  more  lands,  to  build- 
ing  more  highways,  to  establish  dwell- 
ings for  the  workers  away  from  crowded 
apartments,  onto  the  land  where  their 
children  may  develop  into  better  men 
and  women. 

There  is  need  of  laying  aside  part  of 
the  profit  for  the  support  of  the  sick  and 
aged,  who  either  have  not  been  able  to 
store  up  a  surplus  for  themselves  or 
who  have  not  chosen  to  do  so. 

These    things    and    others    should   be 
done,  and  the  means  for  doing  them  is 
at    hand,    whenever   the   majority   finds 
that  it  is  ready  to  do  them. 
«    *    * 

There  are  men  who  understand,  and 
who  call  out  to  mankind: 


12 


"Let  us  keep  on  building!  We  have 
1  structure  that  has  taken  all  these  ages 
to  erect.  Let  us  make  it  safer,  and 
sounder,  and  adorn  it  with  useful  things. 
in  order  that  each  of  us  may  take  ad- 
vantage of  his  skill  and  knowledge  for 
tiie  betterment  of  himself  and  the  race 
©f  men!" 

And  then  there  are  the  bolshevists, 
wiio  point  to  the  edifice  of  civilization, 
and  cry: 

"Let's  tear  the  damn  thing  down!" 

Which  utters  better  wisdom? 

Third  Editorial 

i  SK  a  Bolshevik  to  describe  himself 
i\  and  he'll  tell  you  he  is  a  radical. 
*«■  He's  not.    He  is  a  reactionary. 

Radicalism  implies  a  movement  for 
progress. 

The  plans  of  Bolshevism  mean  a  throw- 
back  to  a  state  of  society  which  has  been 
outgrown,  and  which  men  no  longer  would 

endure. 

•  »    • 

What  is  civilization,  anyhow? 

It  is  the  organization  of  men  by  which 
the  comforts  of  life  and  the  general 
knowledge  of  mankind  are  steadily  in- 
creased. 

Railroads  and  airplanes,  paved  roads 
and  automobiles,  fine  pictures  and  music, 
ornaments  for  the  home  and  for  the  per- 
son, the  services  of  science,  the  growth 
of  machines  for  easing  muscular  labor, 
the  production  of  books,  all  are  expres- 
sions of  civilization. 

The  aim  of  the  labor  unions  has  been 
to  make  these  benefits  available  to  the 
workingman,  by  increasing  his  income 
from  his  labor. 

This  in  itself  means  an  increase  in  pro- 
duction of  comforts  and  service,  to  supply 
the  increase  in  demand. 

•  •    * 

The  more  the  average  man  is  able  to 
any,  the  more  work  there  is  for  other 
men  to  do. 

Conversely,  the  greater  the  amount  pro- 
duced from  the  earth  and  from  the  hu- 
man brain,  the  easier  it  is  for  the  average 
to  buy  these  products. 

A  long  time  ago  we  saw  an  I.  W.  W. 


poster,  representing  "industrial  union- 
ism" smashing  down  the  gates  of  capital- 
ism, with  landlords,  superintendents, 
bankers  and  so  on  running  for  cover. 

The  inscription  on  the  poster  ran  about 
as  follows: 

"A  few  hours'  work  a  day,  a  few  days 
a  year,  will  mean  plenty  for  everybody 
under  industrial  unionism." 

The  picture  has  stuck  in  our  mind,  be- 
cause the  argument  printed  on  the  poster 
has  been  repeated  to  the  workers  in  so 
many  different  ways,  since  the  Bolshevik 
agents  came  to  re-enforce  the  I.  W.  W. 

The  idea  is  generally  stated  this  way: 

"If  we  abolish  the  profit  system,  and 
put  the  unemployed  and  non-producers  to 
work,  no  man  will  have  to  work  more 
than  a  few  hours  a  day,  and  there  will  not 
be  so  many  workdays  in  the  year.  Every 
man  would  have  easy  employment  and 
all  the  comforts  of  life." 

•  0    * 

If  it  hadn't  been  for  that  argument,  the 
Bolshevik  leaders  would  have  found 
mighty  few  followers  in  Russia,  and  Bol- 
shevism would  have  found  fewer  still  in 
America  to  applaud  it. 

The  trouble  with  the  plan  is  this: 

It  won't  work. 

It  cannot  possibly  work. 

It  could  not  work  if  the  Bolshevik!  were 
given  full  control  of  every  man  and  every 
enterprise  and  every  natural  resource  in 

the  world. 

•  •    • 

In  the  beginning  of  our  social  system, 
when  men  did  not  work  at  all,  there  was 
plenty  of  leisure  for  everybody,  but  there 
were  no  comforts,  there  was  no  knowl- 
edge, there  were  not  even  clothes  nor  con- 
nected speech. 

When  men  began  to  work,  a  few  simple 
comforts  were  produced. 

As  work  increased,  the  comforts  in- 
creased. 

In  course  of  time,  men  realized,  though 
sometimes  dimly,  this  fact: 

That  the  fullest  effort  of  every  man  is 
necessary  to  the  fullest  development  FOR 
every  man  of  the  comforts  that  earth  has 
to  offer. 


13 


The  laws  of  nature  are  not  subject  to 
human  law. 

Mankind  is  limited  In  what  it  can 
achieve. 

The  limitation  lies  in  man's  own  weak- 
ness. 

But,  with  effort,  man's  strength  has  in- 
creased through  the  ages.  He  is  achiev- 
ing more,  and  consequently  is  receiving 
more  from  the  earth's  resources. 

He  has  not  yet  gained  all  that  he  should 
gain. 

The  earth  has  scarcely  begun  to  yield 
her  treasures.  There  are  comforts  for 
the  human  race  that  no  man  has  yet 
dreamed  of.  There  are  avenues  of  knowl- 
edge into  which  men  have  not  stepped. 

The  only  means  by  which  these  can  be 
attained  is  by  labor,  of  hand  and  mind. 
Every  productive  hour  that  is  not  used 
holds  back  the  time  when  these  comforts 
can  be  realized. 

*    *    • 

There  are  men  out  of  work. 

There  are  men  who  are  not  sufficiently 
provided  with  the  things  they  need. 

The  reason  is  that  there  is  not  yet  suf- 
ficient work  being  done  in  the  world  to 
provide  them  with  employment  and  with 
their  necessities. 

Put  a  man  by  himself  in  the  wilderness, 
without  help  from  anyone. 

If,  at  the  end  of  a  reasonable  period,  he 
has  no  clothes,  nor  shelter,  nor  food, 
we  know  it  is  because  he  has  not  worked. 

Men  do  not  live  by  themselves,  in  these 
days.  As  they  have  organized  their  lives, 
living  in  communities,  no  man  attempts 
to  provide  all  things  for  himself.  He  does 
his  task,  and  trades  his  product  for  the 
other  fellow's  product.  Other  men  produce 
the  clothes,  food,  shelter,  fuel,  ornaments, 
and  amusement  that  he  desires,  and  he 
secures  them  by  trading  his  product  for 
theirs,  using  money  as  the  token  of  ex- 
change. He  works  for  others,  and  they 
work  for  him. 

But  the  underlying  principle  of  life  in 
communities  is  the  same  as  the  principle 
of  life  alone  in  the  wilderness. 

If  a  man  is  unprovided  with  the  things 


he  needs,  it  is  because  the  work  to  pro- 
vide them  is  not  being  done. 

If  he  has  not  employment,  he  is  not  pro- 
viding the  others  with  the  things  he 
should  produce. 

One  man's  labor  withheld  from  human- 
ity, or  given  to  humanity  for  only  part 
time,  reduces  the  volume  of  product  that 
is  extracted  from  the  earth. 
»    *    * 

It  is  to  the  interest  of  mankind  that 
every  man  should  produce,  to  his  fullest 
capacity,  the  things  he  is  fitted  to  pro- 
duce. 

Necessities  and  comforts  alike  come 
from  the  earth,  through  labor.  The  knowl- 
edge of  how  to  prepare  and  use  them 
comes  from  the  human  brain. 

The  greater  the  amount  that  comes 
from  the  earth,  the  greater  the  efforf 
made  by  those  whose  task  it  is  to  devise 
means  for  extracting  from  earth  and  from 
human  life  the  best  they  have  to  give, 
the  greater  the  plenty  there  is  in  the 
world  for  all  men. 

Each  man  who  works  helps  to  supply 
his  neighbor,  and  makes  it  easier  for  his 
neighbor  to  secure  what  he  needs. 

The  man  who  does  not  work,  either  be- 
cause he  cannot  find  work  or  does  not  de- 
sire to  work,  is  depriving  his  neighbor 
as  well  as  himself. 

•    •    • 

"How  about  the  fellow  who  is  living 
off  the  other  fellow's  labor?"  demands  the 
Bolshevik. 

Every  man  lives  off  the  other  fellow's 
labor,  because  he  cannot  himself  grow 
the  food,  dig  the  ore,  weave  the  clothes, 
fashion  the  house  and  furniture,  write 
the  books,  compose  the  music,  solve  the 
natural  secrets,  build  the  street  cars  and 
engines,  that  are  essential  to  his  daily 
life.  He  can  only  do  his  task,  and  trade 
with  the  other  fellow. 

"But  we  can  abolish  profit,"  insists  the 
Bolshevik. 

We  cannot  abolish  profit. 

A  surplus  from  each  man's  daily  labor 
—and  that  means  the  world's  daily  labor 
—is  essential  for  protection  against  the 
rigors  of  old  age,  for  the  expansion  of  in- 


14 


dustry  to  care  for  new  wants  and  new 
populations,  for  the  replacing  of  wornout 
equipment. 

The  channels  through  which  the  sur- 
plus passes  can  be  changed  by  the  people 
when  they  so  desire,  by  taxation  and  pub- 
lic ownership. 

The  surplus  itself  must  remain,  or  man- 
kind would  be  living,  as  it  once  did,  from 
hand  to  mouth. 

*  *    * 

Neither  can  the  Bolshevik  put  into  ef- 
fect his  doctrine  of  "a  few  hours  work  a 
day,  and  riot  so  many  workdays  in  the 
year." 

Men  would  not  tolerate  the  condition 
which  would  follow  such  a  course. 

An  almost  perfect  example  of  what  it 
would  mean  can  be  seen  today  in  the 
hill  region  of  Georgia  and  parts  of  Ten- 
nessee. 

The  hill-men  peacefully  follow  the  Bol- 
shevist program,  though  they  never  heard 
of  Bolshevism.  They  do  not  labor  for  the 
other  fellow;  they  do  not  count  on  profit 
from  what  they  do;  they  work  only  a  few 
hours  a  day,  a  few  days  a  year. 

They  have  no  books  nor  pictures  nor 
music;  very  few  possessions  of  any  kind; 
not  much  food;  their  clothes  are  pathetic 
rains;  they  do  not  travel  from  place  to 
place.  Possession  of  comforts  means 
WORK. 

Any  proposal  to  limit  production  is  a 
proposal  to  limit  the  comforts  that  men 
can  secure,  and  so  limit  the  future  of 
their  children. 

*  *    * 

What  the  world  needs  is  MORE  produc- 
tion; that  wealth — which  is  drawn  from 
the  earth  through  labor — shall  be  in  suf- 
ficient abundance  that  ALL  men  may 
share  it,  and  the  comfort  that  it  means. 
*    *    *    * 

There  is  a  limit  to  the  number  of  hours 
that  a  man  can  spend  at  his  work  effi- 
ciently. 

It  is  contrary  to  public  welfare  that  any 
man  or  woman  should  work  beyond  this 
period  of  efficiency. 

Further,  every  man  needs  a  daily  period 


of  recreation.  He  cannot  do  his  part  un- 
less he  has  this  period. 

We  have  now,  in  our  civilization,  the 
means  to  determine  the  proper  length 
of  workday  in  each  craft,  and  the  time 
that  men  should  be  free  to  amuse  them- 
selves. 

There  can  be,  there  should  be,  and 
there  WILL  be — unless  mankind  has  to 
stop  the  struggle  with  the  anti-social 
menace  of  Bolshevism — a  code  of  laws 
defining  the  maximum  workday,  and  pro- 
viding public  employment  for  the  unem- 
ployed. 

*  *    * 

Public  employment  does  not  differ  in 
any  fundamental  particular  from  private 
employment. 

The  man  who  works,  either  at  public  or 
private  labor,  expends  his  income  for  the 
products  made  by  other  men.  This  gives 
them,  in  turn,  a  larger  income  to  pay  for 
his  product. 

The  source  from  which  the  additional 
riches  come  to  meet  this  and  all  other 
costs  is  the  fruitful  earth. 

Each  man  who  is  employed  makes  pos- 
sible a  larger  extraction  from  the  earth 
of  its  resources. 

Each  man  unemployed,  and  each  loaf- 
er, rich  or  poor,  retards  the  increase  of 
mankind's  comforts  by  the  exact  measure 
of  one  man's  labor. 

*  *    * 

The  scientist,  the  musician,  the  artist, 
the  engineer,  the  architect,  the  guardian 
of  public  order,  the  director  of  groups 
of  men,  the  tradesman  who  distributes 
men's  products,  the  physician,  the  clergy- 
man, the  writer,  the  teacher,  are  NOT 
non-producers,  for  they  serve  their  fellow- 
men  in  capacities  in  which  the  individual 
cannot  serve  himself. 

Added  together,  even  in  times  of  se- 
vere stress,  the  actual  non-producers  are 
few  in  comparison  to  the  vast  number  of 
human  beings  who  are  at  work. 

The  born  loafer  is  a  problem;  always 
has  been  and  likely  will  continue  to  be  so. 

But  the  unemployed  CAN  be  put  to 
work,  and  given  his  full  share  as  a  part- 
ner of  humanity  in  bringing  better  things 


15 


to  the  race  of  men.  The  doing  of  it  awaits 
only  the  action  of  the  people.  They  have 
the  machinery  at  hand  to  abolish  unem- 
ployment. 

*    *    * 

Civilization  still  has  a  long  way  to  go. 

Mankind  is  only  part  developed. 

But  the  man  who  is  building  ships,  or 
knitting  garments,  or  felling  trees,  is  as 
surely  working  at  the  advancement  of 
science,  of  the  arts,  of  the  human  race, 
as  if  he  were  the  scientist  in  his  labora- 
tory, or  the  thinker  who  is  fashioning 
into  words  the  ideals  of  mankind. 


The  work  that  he  does  counts  as  one 
man's  part  in  the  upraising  of  the  race, 
sharing  as  he  does  the  efforts  of  all  other 
men,  and  as  they  share  his. 

The  expression  of  higher  things  of  the 
mind,  just  as  the  development  of  greater 
comforts  for  the  body,  depend  on  labor, 
and  the  success  of  labor  depends  on  the 
progress  of  civilization. 

The  Bolshevik  proposes  to  retard  de- 
velopment of  the  earth's  bounty,  whether 
the  proposal  is  a  conscious  one  or  not.  In 
so  doing,  he  aims  a  blow  at  the  very  work- 
ers to  whom  he  preaches  his  doctrine. 


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